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This book documents recent and historical events in the theoretically-based practice of peace development. Its diverse collection of essays describes different aspects of applied philosophy in peace action, commonly involving the contributors' continual engagement in the field, while offering support and optimal responses to conflict and violence.

This book documents recent and historical events in the theoretically-based practice of peace development. Its diverse collection of essays describes different aspects of applied philosophy in peace action, commonly involving the contributors' continual engagement in the field, while offering support and optimal responses to conflict and violence.

A discussion of the use of an index of soc position (a center-periphery index) for such a special pop as pol'ly involved students. 2 diff indices, with diff emphasis on past & present, are tried. The data come from 514 members of pol'al student assoc's at Lund U. The indices were validated against 2 hyp's, stating that the center should be higher on soc participation, & that the center should be higher on opinion-holding. The 1st hyp was confirmed, & better confirmed by a pastoriented than by a present-oriented index, while the 2nd hypothesis was rather left undecided. The absolutism-gradualism hyp, stating that the periphery should be more prone to suggest radical change in foreign policy, was confirmed. The hypothesis was supported that the center would more favor proposals including interaction at a 'middle' level (org'al, nat'l), while the periphery would be more positive to proposals suggesting interaction at the lower level (individual, to be more strongly related to choice of peace philosophy than soc position). The effects of pol'al affiliation & of soc position appear to be independent of each other: therefore it has been possible here to reject the idea that diff's due to pol'al affiliation are merely amplified effects of the diff's due to soc position. The peace philosophy clusters discovered were better definable in pol'al terms than in terms of soc position, although soc position was also clearly relevant for sorting out the findings. The philosophies that are adhered to rather than other philosophies appear in the same cluster, the conservative. Whether this indicates diff's in causal beliefs, in definitions of peace, or in value orientation is left as a. problem for further res. IPSA.

Intro -- Acknowledgments -- Contents -- Abbreviations -- 1 Introduction: A Study of Prime Ministers in Postwar Japan -- Analytical Perspectives of Japanese Politics -- Previous Research on Japanese Prime Ministers -- Peace Philosophy as Analytical Framework in Japanese Politics -- The Outline of the Book -- 2 Kantaro Suzuki: The Premier Who Ended the War -- 3 Naruhiko Higashikuni: The Imperial Leader Who Disbanded the Armed Forces -- 4 Kijuro Shidehara: An Internationalist Who Embraced the Peace Clause -- 5 Shigeru Yoshida (I): The Antiwar Pacifist as a Diplomat and Leader -- 6 Tetsu Katayama: The Christian Pacifist and First Socialist Premier -- 7 Hitoshi Ashida: The Diplomat, Journalist, and Advocate for International Peace -- 8 Shigeru Yoshida (II): The Peace Treaty, the Alliance, and the Self-Defense Forces -- 9 Ichiro Hatoyama: The First LDP Premier to Normalize Relations with Moscow -- 10 Tanzan Ishibashi: The Antiwar Journalist, Statesman, and Peace Philosopher -- 11 Nobusuke Kishi: The Nationalist Premier Who Revised the Security Treaty -- 12 Hayato Ikeda: The Income Doubling Plan and Peace Through Prosperity Initiative -- 13 Eisaku Sato: Non-Nuclear Policy, Nuclear-Free Okinawa, and the Peace Prize -- 14 Kakuei Tanaka: Remodeling Japan and Normalizing Relations with China -- 15 Takeo Miki: The Antiwar Pacifist and Advocate of Clean Politics -- 16 Takeo Fukuda: The Fukuda Doctrine and All-Directional Peace Diplomacy -- 17 Masayoshi Ohira: The Architect of the Pacific Basin Cooperation Concept -- 18 Zenko Suzuki: The Dovish in Pursuit of the Politics of Harmony -- 19 Yasuhiro Nakasone: The Nationalist and Advocate of Autonomy and True Alliance -- 20 Noboru Takeshita: The Advocate for International Cooperation for World Peace -- 21 Sosuke Uno: Scandals and Summit Diplomacy.

1. Introduction: A Study of Prime Ministers in Postwar Japan -- 2. Kantaro Suzuki: The Premier Who Ended the War -- 3. Naruhiko Higashikuni: The Imperial Leader Who Disbanded the Armed Forces -- 4. Kijuro Shidehara: An Internationalist Who Embraced the Peace Clause -- 5. Shigeru Yoshida (I): The Antiwar Pacifist as a Diplomat and Leader -- 6. Tetsu Katayama: The Christian Pacifist and First Socialist Premier -- 7. Hitoshi Ashida: The Diplomat, Journalist, and Advocate for International Peace -- 8. Shigeru Yoshida (II): The Peace Treaty, the Alliance, and the Self-Defense Forces -- 9. Ichiro Hatoyama: The First LDP Premier to Normalize Relations with Moscow -- 10. Tanzan Ishibashi: The Antiwar Journalist, Statesman, and Peace Philosopher -- 11. Nobusuke Kishi: The Nationalist Premier Who Revised the Security Treaty -- 12. Hayato Ikeda: The Income Doubling Plan and Peace through Prosperity Initiative -- 13. Eisaku Sato: Non-Nuclear Policy, Nuclear-Free Okinawa, and the Peace Prize -- 14. Kakuei Tanaka: Remodeling Japan and Normalizing Relations with China -- 15. Takeo Miki: The Antiwar Pacifist and Advocate for Clean Politics -- 16. Takeo Fukuda: The Fukuda Doctrine and All-Directional Peace Diplomacy -- 17. Masayoshi Ohira: The Architect of the Pacific Basin Cooperation Concept -- 18. Zenko Suzuki: The Dovish Premier in Pursuit of the Politics of Harmony -- 19. Yasuhiro Nakasone: The Nationalist Leader in Search of Autonomy and True Alliance -- 20. Noboru Takeshita: The Advocate for International Cooperation for World Peace -- 21. Sosuke Uno: Scandals and Summit Diplomacy -- 22. Toshiki Kaifu: The Gulf Crisis, UN Peace Cooperation Bill, and the Gulf War -- 23. Kiichi Miyazawa: UNPKO and the Dispatch of Self-Defense Forces -- 24. Morihiro Hosokawa: The First Non-LDP/Non-Communist Coalition Government.-25. Tsutomu Hata: The Shortest-Serving Premier under the Postwar Constitution -- 26. Tomiichi Murayama: Official Apology for Japan's Colonial Rule and Aggression -- 27. Ryutaro Hashimoto: The Japan-US Joint Declaration and Defense Guidelines -- 28. Keizo Obuchi: The Visionary and Initiator of Japan's Human Security Diplomacy -- 29. Yoshiro Mori: The Kyushu-Okinawa Summit to the Olympic Truce Resolution -- 30. Junichiro Koizumi: From Kantei Diplomacy to Anti-Nuclear Diplomacy -- 31. Shinzo Abe (I): 'Toward a Beautiful Country' and Constitutional Revision -- 32. Yasuo Fukuda: Struggles for International Contribution in the Twisted Diet -- 33. Taro Aso: Value-Oriented Diplomacy and the Arc of Freedom and Prosperity -- 34. Yukio Hatoyama: First DPJ Premier and the Vision for the East Asian Community -- 35. Naoto Kan: The Great East Japan Earthquake and the Nuclear Disaster -- 36. Yoshihiko Noda: Decision on Atomic Energy and SDF Dispatch to South Sudan -- 37. Shinzo Abe (II): Abenomics and Proactive Contribution to Peace -- 38. Yoshihide Suga: Toward a Carbon-Neutral Society during the Pandemic -- 39. Conclusion: Japanese Prime Ministers in the Changing International System.

To a world assaulted by private interests, this book argues that peace must be a public thing. Distinguished philosophers of peace have always worked publicly for public results. Opposing nuclear proliferation, organizing communities of the disinherited, challenging violence within status quo establishments, such are the legacies of truly engaged philosophers of peace. This volume remembers those legacies, reviews the promise of critical thinking for crises today, and expands the free range of thinking needed to create more mindful and peaceful relations. With essays by committed peace philos

Philosophy after Hiroshima offers a philosophical analysis of the issues surrounding war and peace, and their challenges to ethics. It reminds us that the threat posed to civilization by nuclear weapons persists, as does the need for continuing philosophical reflection on the nature of war, the problem of violence, and the need for a workable ethics in the nuclear age.The book recalls the atomic bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki as the beginning of the nuclear age, the Cold War, and subsequently of the hegemonic unilateralism of the sole superpower. Reviewing early critical responses to the first atomic bombings by such figures as Camus, Sartre, Russell, Heidegger, Jaspers and others, the authors themselves respond to contemporary threats to peace, including the US "global war on terrorism," the recrudescence of militarism, and the continuation of imperial power politics by other means. In the nuclear age, the use of military force as a political instrument threatens the future of humanity. This poses formidable challenges to philosophy and calls for its transformation.In using memories of the atomic bombings to help us to grasp the moral implications of the current escalation of global violence, the authors hope to show the urgent relevance of nonviolence in the contemporary context. Drawing on a range of philosophical traditions--Taoist and Western--the contributors take up a welter of philosophical and political concerns of topical interest, including human rights, toleration, the politics of memory, intercultural dialogue, the ethics of co-responsibility, and the possibility of a cosmopolitan order of law and peace. Going beyond postmodernism and deconstruction, several of the authors develop a post-critical, constructive paradigm of thinking--a philosophy of the possible and a new methodology for the realization of the creative potential of

Cécile Fabre presents a major statement of key moral principles which should be followed when ending wars. She defends restitutive and reparative justice, punishment of war criminals, transitional administrations and deployment of peacekeeping and occupation forces, and outlines practices to foster trust and improve prospects for peace.